Armies poorly paid in coins (the Anabasis of the Ten-Thousands) and coins for soldiers poorly transformed by the markets (the Hellenistic Thasian-Type tetradrachms) in Ancient Greece more

REVUE BELGE DE NUMISMATIQUE ET DE SIGILLOGRAPHIE BELGISCH TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR NUMISMATIEK EN ZEGELKUNDE ´ publiee SOUS LE HAUT PATRONAGE DE S. M. LE ROI par la ´ ´ SOCIETE ROYALE DE NUMISMATIQUE DE BELGIQUE uitgegeven ONDER DE HOGE BESCHERMING VAN Z. M. DE KONING door het KONINKLIJK BELGISCH GENOOTSCHAP VOOR NUMISMATIEK Directeurs ¨ ¸ Francois de CALLATAY, Johan van HEESCH, Ghislaine MOUCHARTE, Jean-Luc DENGIS CLV - 2009 BRUXELLES BRUSSEL “FROM MINTS TO MARKETS: THE MECHANISMS OF COIN TRANSFORMATION IN ANCIENT TIMES” JOURNÉE D’ÉTUDE INTERNATIONALE ORGANISÉE LE 13 À LA BIBLIOTHÈQUE ROYALE DE BELGIQUE JUIN 2008 La première journée d’étude internationale, organisée par le Cabinet des Médailles de la Bibliothèque royale de Belgique le 17 mai 2005, eut pour thème « The transport of coins through the ages ». Les actes en ont été publiés un an plus tard dans la Revue belge de Numismatique (152, 2006, p. 1-94), ce dont nous sommes très redevables envers la Société royale de Numismatique de Belgique. Suivant le projet annoncé de tenir désormais une réunion internationale de ce type tous les trois ans, une seconde journée d’étude s’est tenue au Cabinet des Médailles le vendredi 13 juin 2008 sur le thème « From mints to markets : the mechanisms of coin transformation in ancient times ». Ce thème est une nouvelle illustration d’un parti pris auquel nous tenons : choisir des sujets proprement historiques et les traiter sur la longue durée. Les études numismatiques ont considérablement amélioré notre connaissance de la production monétaire dans l’antiquité gréco-romaine, prise ici de c. 600 av. J.-C. jusqu’à c. 400 ap. J.-C. Des centaines d’études de coins, des dizaines de monographies permettent de mieux répondre aux questions de la date et de l’importance des monnayages émis, avec une prédilection particulière pour les émissions d’or et d’argent. D’un autre côté, les fouilles archéologiques ont généré un riche matériel monétaire tout autour de la mer Méditerranée, dont une bonne partie a été publiée. C’est le bronze ici qui prévaut. Les monnaies d’or et d’argent y sont en moyenne représentées par moins d’un pourcent. Cette conférence s’est donnée pour but d’articuler ces deux types de données en se posant la question : qu’est-ce qu’un légionnaire romain ou un mercenaire hellénistique faisait de sa paie en monnaies d’or et d’argent ? Il est très probable qu’ils furent rapides à dépenser une bonne partie de leurs salaires. Mais par quels canaux la grosse monnaie d’or et d’argent, impropre à régler les transactions quotidiennes, s’est-elle transformée dans ces monnaies de bronzes que l’archéologie découvre aujourd’hui ? Neuf conférenciers furent invités à en débattre, dont on retrouvera ciaprès les textes pour huit d’entre eux. C’est un plaisir pour nous de remercier les institutions et les personnes qui ont facilité la tenue d’un tel événement scientifique : la Bibliothèque royale de Belgique qui a financé cette RBN, 155, 2009, p. 1-2 2 FRANÇOIS DE CALLATAŸ ET JOHAN VAN HEESCH journée en mettant, entre autres, la belle salle Lucien de Hirsch à notre disposition. Que son Directeur général, M. Patrick Lefèvre, qui a tenu à accueillir personnellement les participants, en soit vivement remercié. Notre gratitude va également à la Politique Scientifique Fédérale, à son Président, M. Philippe Mettens, et à M. Pierre Demoitié, qui ont accordé un généreux subside pour la tenue de cette manifestation. Enfin, nous sommes redevables à nouveau envers la Société royale de Numismatique de Belgique d’avoir bien voulu accueillir le fruit de ces réflexions au sein de la Revue belge de Numismatique. François DE CALLATAŸ* et Johan VAN HEESCH** * François DE CALLATAŸ, Cabinet des Médailles, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique, Boulevard de l’Empereur 4, B-1000 Bruxelles. E-mail : callatay@kbr.be. ** Johan VAN HEESCH, Penningkabinet van de Koninklijke Bibliotheek van België, Keizerslaan 4, B-1000 Brussel. E-mail: Johan.vanheesch@kbr.be. FRANÇOIS DE CALLATAŸ* ARMIES POORLY PAID IN COINS (THE ANABASIS OF THE TEN-THOUSANDS) AND COINS FOR SOLDIERS POORLY TRANSFORMED BY THE MARKETS (THE HELLENISTIC THASIAN-TYPE TETRADRACHMS) IN ANCIENT GREECE Abstract: This paper focuses on two counter-examples for which highly valuable coins issued to pay Greek mercenaries were poorly used on the markets. Either – a radical motive indeed – because soldiers were not paid or poorly paid in coins (as was the case with the Anabasis of the Ten-Thousands, 401-399 BC), or – this as well must not be underestimated – because the vast amount of precious coins issued and given to them were brought back in contexts leaving few opportunities to make monetary use of these coins, which are thus better understood as special purpose money (as with the bulk of the Thasian type tetradrachms struck at the end of the 2nd and the first half of the 1st c. BC). At the end of 1810, troops of Wellington’s army stayed near Santarem on the Tagus some 30 kilometers from Lisbon. Back from operations in South America, the (at that time still) private cavalryman William Lawrence wrote in his diary: “It was rather curious that while there we received our South American prize money; money taken from the very people we were now allied with (i.e. the Spaniards), so that a great part of it was spent amongst them again. Each private received eight dollars, and I believe the sergeants sixteen. The Lisbon traders must have got scent of this, for a quantity of boats laden with little requisites and luxuries ascended the river from Lisbon to trade amongst the soldiers, and so we were soon enabled to rid ourselves of our little spare cash. Our colonel was very considerate to these people, and being determined as far as possible to prevent all plunder, had their boats or stalls guarded by sentries”.1 ∗ François DE CALLATAŸ, Bibliothèque royale de Belgique, Boulevard de l’Empereur 4, B-1000 Bruxelles. E-mail : callatay@kbr.be – Académie royale de Belgique – École pratique des Hautes Études. My best thanks to Bethany Isenberg who has improved my English. 1 W. LAWRENCE, The Autobiography of Sergeant William Lawrence, a Hero of the Peninsular and Waterloo Campaigns, London, 1886 (ed. by G.N. BANKES), p. 76. On monetary problems during the Peninsular War, see Fr. DE CALLATAŸ, Quelques documents révélateurs sur la solde des troupes anglaises lors de la guerre de la Péninsule (1808-1814), in BCEN, 27(1), Jan.-March 1990, p. 9-16. RBN, 155, 2009, p. 51-70 52 FRANÇOIS DE CALLATAŸ This is a dynamic narration of how things happened in the first hours and days when soldiers finally got their pay. In a few words, this highly informative passage informs us that: first, soldiers who fought in America received their prize money only once back in Europe, involved in another campaign (to be sure: to receive the prize money after the campaign was a common practice at any time);2 secondly, local merchants were quickly informed about the unusual abundance of money to come into the camp and, thirdly, some arrangements were made between officers and merchants to the satisfaction of all parties. It is likely that the officers in charge were not unpleased to see that soldiers quickly spent their pay (which was indeed helpful in order to maintain discipline in the camp). How soldiers spent their pay in the Greek world? We may a priori think that such an anecdote could be transposed without too much difficulty into Greco-Roman times. And we may certainly agree that, seen from our actual point of view, wars in Napoleonic times were not fundamentally different than those lead in Hellenistic or Roman times. Regarding the Greek world, we are poorly informed about what soldiers actually did with their pay. There is no lack of literature about Greek armies and mercenaries. How much soldiers were paid is a topic which has received considerable attention as well, although the available information leaves many questions in a cloudy mantel, especially for the Late Hellenistic period (since the useful inscriptions, mostly Cretan, refer to the end of the 3rd c. BC). No ancient author, nor any inscription details how soldiers behaved when they finally got their pay.3 Again, it is likely that soldier’s conditions were not very different from what we know in Modern times: it is thus not unrealistic to imagine that they did what others did quite continuously throughout later periods, which means that they first reimbursed their debts;4 secondly, they quickly consumed most 2 For Ancient Greece, we may think to the case of Alexander the Great’s veterans who, as argued by Margaret Thompson, were only paid on the way back to their home bases or homes : M. THOMPSON, Paying the Mercenaries, in Festschrift Leo Mildenberg, Wetteren, 1984, p. 241-247, pl. 38-39 (this view has been criticized by G. LE RIDER, Alexandre le Grand. Monnaies, finances et politique, Paris, 2003, p. 86-101, 129-132 and 202-205). 3 Payments were often made with considerable delay: see Pseudo-Aristotle, Economic, II, 2, 16b (the Clazomenians owed a debt of 20 talents to their soldiers), 24a (Datames failed to pay his troops for a long time). On this, see W.K. PRITCHETT, Ancient Greek Military Practices, Part I, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London, 1971, p. 24-29 (Irregularity of pay). 4 Leucon, tyran of Bosporus, refused to have at his sold guards with debts contracted by playing dice (Aeneas Tactician, Poliorceutic, 5, 2). ARMIES POORLY PAID IN COINS 53 of what was left for immediate pleasures in taverns and brothels;5 and thirdly, they waited for their next pay… Hellenistic armies were followed by a large crowd of people and baggage, collectively designed by the word aposkeuè, literarily “the baggage”, including women, children, slaves, merchants, musicians and every kind of entertainer.6 Merchants were never far from such a great source of profit.7 Soldiers must have had plenty of opportunities to spend their pay. As a result, debts among them were a major plague. When in Susa, Alexander the Great thought to discharge part of his army, he wanted to pay off all of their debts. Invited to confess their debts, the soldiers were at first reluctant. Then Alexander placed tables in the camp with money upon them. Now having confidence, soldiers came and, as reported by Curtius, only 130 talents remained out of a total of 10,000.8 The Ten-Thousands of Xenophon: an army poorly paid in coins There is no question that our best evidence of traveling Greek armies is that of Xenophon. We know that, somewhere in Cilicia, the Ten-Thousands, the Greek mercenaries engaged by Cyrus, once received four months of payment, out of which more than three were already overdue.9 It is 5 The mercenary who is a former guard of king Attalus in a Plautus’ play is described as wanting to drink, to make love and to spend his 300 gold staters quickly (Plautus, Poenulus, III, 3). For consumption of wine in Greek armies, see V.D. HANSON, The Western Way of War. Infantry Battle in Classical Greece, Oxford, 1990, 2nd ed., p. 126-131 (Chapter XI: Drink). 6 On this, see D.W. ENGELS, Alexander the Great and the Logistics of the Macedonian Army, Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1978 (especially p. 11-18 with a list of quotations by categories p. 11); M. LAUNEY, Recherches sur les armées hellénistiques, Paris, 1950, vol. II, p. 785-790; L.P. MARINOVIC, Le mercenariat grec et la crise de la polis, Besançon, 1988, p. 154-156 . 7 See Pseudo-Aristotle, Economic, II, 2, 23a (Timotheus against the Olynthians forces the grossists [emporoi] to accept an iron coinage), 23d (Timotheus takes measures to make it sure that necessities will not lack inside the camp), 24b (Datames kept at his disposal the artisans and the retailers [kapèlous] who accompanied the army); Arrian, VI, 22, 4 (Phoenician traders). 8 Curtius, X, 2, 9-11 (see also Arrian, VII, 5). 9 Xenophon, Anabasis, I, 2, 11-2 (“At this time he owed the soldiers more than three months’ pay, and they went again and again to his headquarters and demanded what was due to them. He all the while expressed hopes, and was manifestly troubled; for it was not Cyrus’ way to withhold payment when he had money. At this juncture arrived Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, the king of the Cilicians, coming to visit Cyrus, and the story was that she gave him a large sum of money [chrèmata polla]; at any rate, Cyrus paid the troops at that time four months’ wages [apedôke Kuros misthon tettarôn mènôn]” [Loeb Classical Library, trad. C.L. BROWNSON, London, 1921, p. 255 and 257]. On this, see G.T. GRIFFITH, The Mercenaries of the Hellenistic World, Groningen, 1968, p. 265-266. 54 FRANÇOIS DE CALLATAŸ well established that soldiers were supposed to receive their pay monthly10 and it is quite clear that – to say it as an euphemism – they were not paid regularly.11 Besides plunder which was largely predominant (with the additional possibility to sell the booty in the next stop),12 soldiers had to make purchases for themselves at the market, the agora. In practice, it meant for them either to wait to come to the next city which will accept to open a market, which happened in Trapezus13 but not in Cotyora (the modern Ordu) for example,14 or, when they still were with Cyrus, to go to 10 Ibid., I, 3, 21 (“They asked, however, for more pay, and Cyrus promised to give them all half as much again as they had been receiving before, namely, a daric and a-half a month to each man instead of a daric” [Loeb Classical Library, trad. C.L. BROWNSON, London, 1921, p. 275]); V, 6, 23 (“Now I promise, in case you set sail from here, to provide you with pay from the first of the month at the rate of a Cyzicene per month to each man” [Loeb Classical Library, trad. O.J. TODD, London, 1922, p. 149]); V, 6, 31 (“men are promising you pay from the first of the month [apo noumènias]” [Ibid., p. 153]); VII, 2, 36 (“And Seuthes promised to give each soldier a Cyzicene [we had to understand ‘monthly’], to the captains twice as much, and to the generals four times as much” [transl. ibid., p. 287]); VII, 3, 10 (“and I [Seuthes] promise to give you who are in the ranks a Cyzicene and to the captains and generals the customary pay [ta nomizomena]” [transl. ibid., p. 293]); VII, 5, 5 (pay of twenty days instead of the full month); VII, 5, 9 (promised payment “in a few days” of two months’ pay) ; VII, 6, 1 (“Thibron had set sail to wage the war, and that he wanted this army; also that he said the pay would be a daric per month for every man, twice as much for the captains, and four times as much for the generals” [transl. ibid., p. 323]). On a daily pay, see Pseudo-Aristotle, Economics, II, 2, 14c (Condalus, a lieutenant of Mausolus, asked a drachm for dead bodies to be buried outside the city, which was a source of little profit as well as a means to prevent chiefs to hide the real date of the death). 11 Ibid., V, 6, 26 (generals in the camp promised to pay the misthos in order to persuade troops to follow them); VII, 1, 7 (“And Anaxibius would not give them pay, but made proclamation that the troops were to take their arms and their baggage and go forth from the city, saying that he was going to send them back home and at the same time to make an enumeration of them” [transl. ibid., p. 261]); VII, 7, 48 (Seuthes blames the one who is responsible for the fact that troops were not paid since long ago [mè palai apodedosthai ton misthon]). 12 In enemies’ territory, plunder is the rule with very few exceptions (see W.K. PRITCHETT, Ancient Greek Military Practices, Part I, Berkeley-Los AngelesLondon, 1971, p. 30-52 [Provisioning], especially p. 36-37). References to plunder are very frequent in Xenophon (see, e.g., VI, 6, 2, 5, 23, 27 and 37-38). For a case of sale: VI, 6, 38 (they sold their spoils [laphuropôlountes] in Chrysopolis). 13 Ibid., V, 5, 14 (“As to our doings now, since we have reached Greek cities, we got our provisions in Trapezus by purchase, for the Trapezuntians provided us a market [pareichon gar èmin agoran], and in return for the honours they bestowed upon us and the gifts of hospitality they gave the army, we paid them like honours” [Loeb Classical Library, trad. O.J. TODD, London, 1922, p. 135]). 14 Ibid., V, 5, 6 (“As for provisions [ta epitèdeia], they got them partly from Paphlagonia and partly from the estates of the Cotyorites; for the latter would not provide them with a market [ou gar pareichon agoran], nor would they receive their sick wihtin the walls of the city” [Loeb Classical Library, trad. O.J. TODD, London, 1922, p. 133]), V, 5, 19 (“for they [the Cotyorites] did not behave toward us as friends, but shut their gates and would neither admit us witihin nor send a market without ARMIES POORLY PAID IN COINS 55 the “Lydian market” which was travelling with the barbarian army and where, not surprisingly, everything was incredibly expensive.15 Merchants, either wholesalers (emporoi) or retailers (kapèloi), did not disappear after the defeat of Cunaxa. They continued to approach the moving camp from time to time, as was the case with these wholesalers from Heraclea Pontica and Sinope.16 It sometimes happened that there was no possibility to purchase goods which made troops angry.17 Xenophon’s soldiers were by now poor men trying to go back home without the possibility of fulfilling the aim of most mercenaries which is to bring money back to their families.18 This aim is plainly expressed when Xenophon unsuccessfully tried to convince them to establish a new city: “For most of the soldiers, he wrote, had sailed away from Greece to undertake this service for pay (tèn misthophoran), not because their means were scanty, but because they knew by report of the noble character of Cyrus; some brought other men with them, some had even spent money on their own (prosanèlôkotes chrèmata) on the enterprise, while still another class had abandoned fathers and mothers, or had left children behind with the idea of getting money to bring back to them, all because they heard that the other people who [oute exô agoran epempon]” [Ibid., p. 137]). Situation changed afterwards: VI, 1, 1 (After this, while delayed at Cotyora, some of the men lived by purchasing from the market [oi men apo tès agoras exôn] and others by pillaging [lèzomenoi] the territory of Paphlagonia (Ibid., p. 183]). 15 Ibid., I, 5, 6 (“As for the troops, their supply of grain ran out, and it was not possible to buy any except in the Lydian market attached to the barbarian army of Cyrus [en tè Ludia agora en tô Kurou barbarikô], at the price of four sigloi for a capithè of wheat flour or barley meal. The siglos is worth seven and one-half Attic obols, and the capithê had the capacity of two Attic choenices. The soldiers therefore managed to subsist by eating meat” [Loeb Classical Library, trad. C.L. BROWNSON, London, 1921, p. 289]) and I, 3, 14 (“One man in particular, pretending to be in a hurry to proceed back to Greece with all speed, proposed that they should choose other generals as quickly as possible, in case Clearchus did not wish to lead them back; secondly, that they should buy provisions [ta epitèdei’ agorazesthai] – the market was part of the barbarian army! [è de agora èn en tô barbarikô strateumati] – and pack up their baggage” [Ibid., p. 271). 16 Ibid., V, 6, 19 (“And Timasion the Dardanian and Thorax the Boeotian said to some Heracleot and Sinopean merchants who were there [emporous tinas parontas], that if they did not provide pay for the troops so that they would have provisions for the voyage [ei mè ekporiousi tè stratia misthon ôste echein ta epitèdeia ekpleontas] from Cotyora, there would be danger of that great force remaining in Pontus” [Loeb Classical Library, trad. O.J. TODD, London, 1922, p. 147]), V, 6, 21 (threatened by the soldiers, the merchants left the camp back to their cities). 17 Ibid., VI, 4, 16 (“At that the soldiers were angry, for the provisions they brought with them had ran out and there was not yet any market at hand” [transl. ibid., p. 221]). 18 Ibid., V, 6, 20 (“Soldiers, now we see that you are without means either to supply yourselves with provisions on the homeward voyage, or to do anything for your people at home when you have got back there” [Ibid., p. 149]). 56 FRANÇOIS DE CALLATAŸ served with Cyrus enjoyed abundant good fortune. Being men of this sort, therefore, they longed to return in safety to Greece”.19 The same motivation is portrayed in Menander’s play The Shield. Complaining about the loss of his master Cleostratos, wrongly supposed to have been killed near Xanthos in Lycia, Daos reminds us of Cleostratos’ hopes when he left his family: to come back alive from the army (apo strateias en biô) and to marry his sister with a good husband since her dowry was the real reason of his enrolment.20 In the fourth speech of Isaeus, the Athenian Nikostratos also made a wealth of two talents alternating military campaigns and commerce.21 And indeed, as is suggested by the New Attic Comedy as well, poverty was the main motive to enroll and richness the main hope to pursue.22 At least, some soldiers of fortune came back home safe and wealthy. Through several plays of Plautus and Terence, we are familiar with the prototype of the miles gloriosus, with these hatred and swanky mercenaries returned from distant campaigns, buying everything with their gold coins, especially prostitutes.23 In the Pseudolus, Harpax the soldier is described as only thinking to drink and to seduce girls.24 But, as for many others,25 reality was very different for the Ten-Thousands; they were poor and they rarely had coins to purchase at the markets.26 Poor but dangerous, the Ten-Thousands partly succeed to survive by receiving gifts: 3,000 medimnoi of barley and 500 jars of wine provided by the Sinopeans; even more by the Heracleots: 3,000 medimnoi, 2,000 19 Ibid., VI, 4, 8 (trad. ibid., p. 217). Text’s construction is not absolutely clear and translations may diverge about the place of the pay in mercenaries’ minds (see the translation given by P. MASQUERAY for Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 1931, p. 105). On this passage and the economical reasons to become mercenary, see L.P. MARINOVIC, op. cit. [n. 6], p. 141-147. 20 The Shield has not been translated in the Classical Loeb Library. For Les Belles Lettres, see J.-M. JACQUES, Paris, 1998, p. 2-3. 21 Isaeus, IV, 1, 18 and 26 ; IV, 7 (two talents). See L.P. MARINOVIC, op. cit. [n. 6], p. 150-152. 22 See Plautus, Trinummus, II, 4 (Stasimos), Mostellaria, II ; Terence, Adelphi, III, 3, Heautontimoroumenos, I, 1. 23 Plautus, Truculentus (Stratophane and the courtesan Phronesia), Pseudolus, IV (Courtesan), Bacchides, I, 1; Terence, The Eunuch, III, 1 (Thrason), Heauton…, II, 3 (courtesan), Phormion, III, 2 (Courtesan), Hecyra, I, 2 (courtesan). 24 Plautus, Pseudolus, IV, 7. 25 For a less optimistic view of how profitable the status of these soldiers of fortune was, see W.K. PRITCHETT, op. cit. [n. 3], p. 28-29. 26 Plautus, Pseudolus, VII, 3, 5 (“My own opinion [Xenophon] is, seeing that here [Byzantium] we neither have money [arguriou] with which to buy [ôste agorazein] nor are permitted to take anything without money [oute aneu arguriou], that we ought to set forth to the villages from which we are permitted to take, since their inhabitants are weaker than ourselves” [transl. Ibid., p. 289 and 291]); VII, 6, 24 (camping outside Perinthus during winter, soldiers had to buy scarce provisions with their rare means). ARMIES POORLY PAID IN COINS 57 jars of wine, 20 cattle and a hundred sheep.27 Despite how large these last gifts may appear, they were denounced by Lycon the Achaean as insufficient for the journey back to Greece: “I am astonished, soldiers, that the generals do not endeavor to supply us with money to buy provisions [ou peirôntai èmin ekporizein sitèresion]; for our gifts of hospitality will not make three days’ rations for the army; and there is no place from which we can procure provisions before beginning our journey. I move, therefore, that we demand of the Heracleots not less than three thousand Cyzicenes”.28 Another voice added “no less than ten thousands!” (VI, 2, 5). The idea to receive coins rather than rations in kind (sitèresion) can only apply in an area where coinage – and bronze coinage – was used and spread enough to make it feasible. This was not the case for Pontus or Paphlagonia but it was at that time the case for Bithynia. As an immediate reaction, the Heracleots gathered “all their property from the country and moved the market within the walls; meanwhile the gates had been closed and arms were to be seen upon the walls”.29 Heracleots succeeded not to pay in real gold coins. Greek mercenaries were often deceived in their quest to be paid in cash. They were later employed by the Thracian Seuthes who originally promised one (monthly) Cyzicene, a coin equal to a gold stater, to every man.30 It is worthwhile noticing that, when he was asked how he will find funds to pay these salaries (implying that soldiers knew that he did not have real coins), Seuthes had the following answer: all the booty the Greeks will make in the villages and the countryside, he will keep for himself and will sale it to get their pay.31 The idea to convert requisitions in kind through a sale process into contributions in cash implies the existence of some monetized market and that was simply lacking before Bithynia. Seuthes did not keep his promises. Instead of the payment of a full month, he only paid twenty days (which incidentally proves that mercenaries were not paid with Cyzicene staters as promised).32 Seuthes long fooled the Greeks, procrastinating about their pay33. Later on, urged by Xenophon to let them go with their prizemoney, he claimed to be short of cash. What he could pay to Xenophon and his Greeks was far from the monthly electrum stater he had promised to every man: 1 silver talent (equaling to 300 gold staters while Greek mercenaries at his service were 6,000), 600 cattle, 4,000 sheep and about 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., Ibid., VI, 1, 15 and VI, 2, 3. VII, 2, 4 (transl. Ibid., p. 197 and 199). VI, 2, 8 (transl. Ibid., p. 199). VII, 7, 14. VII, 3, 10. VII, 5, 5. VII, 6, 15. 58 FRANÇOIS DE CALLATAŸ 120 slaves.34 There were 6,000 Greek mercenaries at his service at that time and they claimed to have received 30 talents.35 Regarding the specific question debated by this conference – what did the soldiers of the large coin denominations actually receive as payments? –, the Anabasis appears as a nearly irrelevant case since, most of the time, the Ten-Thousands had to survive without any coin payment at all. Cyrus long delayed their first pay which only happened in Cilicia after more than three months of service, when he paid them four months in once (at the end of June since they started on March 6th, 401 BC). He probably would have had to pay them a second time after his victory against Cambyses but instead he was defeated and killed at Cunaxa (September 6th). The long trek of the Ten-Thousands through non-monetized areas offered few chances to be paid in precious coins as well as to have opportunities to make use of them. Actually, Bithynia was the first area they reached with something resembling a partly monetized economy. It is there, at Heraclea Pontica, that soldiers wondered why their generals did not ask to the Heracleots to give them coins rather than gifts in kind, which would have been fine in order to buy their provisions. Finally, they put themselves at the service of the Thracian Seuthes who proved to be an employer very reluctant to pay the soldiers their dues. All in all, it seems that from the time of their departure from Sardis on March, 6th 401 BC to their junction with the Lacedemonian Thibro on March 13th 399 BC, soldiers received payment in coins for only c. 5 months out of a total of 24 months (4 months were paid by Cyrus in June 401 BC and 20 days by Seuthes in the beginning of February 399 BC).36 The numismatic consequences of the Anabasis were limited. It is unlikely that it consumed more than 10 obverse dies for darics paid by Cyrus and 2 for the tetradrachms (if right so) paid by Seuthes.37 34 Ibid., VII, 7, 53 (“as for ready money, I have only a little [arguriou… mikrou], and that I give you, a talent; but I have six hundred cattle, and sheep to the number of four thousands, and nearly a hundred and twenty slaves” [transl. Ibid., p. 361). On the lack of coins, see Pseudo-Aristotle, Economic, II, 2, 24a (but he did not have coins to give [nomisma de ouk echôn didonai]). 35 Ibid., VII, 6, 23 (6,000 soldiers) and 25 (30 talents). 36 On the chronology of the Anabasis, see E. GRESWELL, Origines kalendariae hellenicae, or the History of the Primitive Calendar among the Greeks before and after the Legislation of Solon, 2nd vol., Oxford, 1862, p. 213-264 (Chapter II. On the chronology of the Anabasis of Xenophon – arrival at Trapezus on February 11th, 400 BC; departure on March, 13th; arrival at Cotyora on April 4th; departure on May 21st; stay at Chrysopolis on September 13-20th; service for Seuthes starting in the first days of January 399 BC). 37 For darics: 4 months x 10,000 soldiers = 40,000 darics (not taking into account officers and generals) = 10 obverse dies for a mean productivity of 4,000 coins per obverse, and 2 obverse dies for a productivity of 20,000 coins. ARMIES POORLY PAID IN COINS 59 The Hellenistic Thasian type tetradrachms: a coinage poorly used on the markets This paucity of coins distributed during the Anabasis of the TenThousands is likely to illustrate what appears as a rather unchanging rule through centuries: soldiers involved in military action received attractive prize money when they enrolled;38 they were irregularly paid, which in most cases means poorly paid during actions; the real money came at the end of their armed service and, to be clear, that only concerns those who were not killed in action.39 These basic principles are important to keep in mind. They have clear consequences on the geographical interpretation of military coin hoards. To put it roughly: to find in a given place an accumulation of military coins in precious metals is more likely an indication about where his owner retired and, with a few exceptions (the battlefield of Kalkriese in Germany for the Varus legions), never where he was killed in action (battlefields have always been cleaned up by looters, scavengers and the like). As I shall argue, the late Hellenistic Thasian-type tetradrachms provided an example of a coinage extensively hoarded by mercenaries who did not make a large use of them on the markets back home. This coinage has been recently and thoroughly studied by Ilya Prokopov who provided a die-study as well as a full list of 334 numbered hoards.40 Let us be reminded that the bulk of these Thasian-type tetradrachms was struck at the end of the 2nd c. and even more in the first decades of the 1st c. BC. It is now agreed that these tetradrachms were struck to pay the auxiliaries of Roman troops based in Macedonia. It was a very substantial coinage. In Prokopov’s die-study, 399 obverse dies are registered. As the ratio between the number of coins and the number of dies is very high, the original number of obverse dies should not be estimated much larger than that. 38 On the money immediately paid “in advance” to the mercenaries when they enrolled, see Aeneas Tactician, Poliorceutic, 13, 4 (tois proavaliskousin) and the Pseudo-Aristotle, Economics, II, 2, 8 (the habitants of Heraclea Pontica succeeded to pay two months (dimènou misthon) to their mercenaries when they were enrolled). With the mission to hire mercenaries in the Peloponesus, Cleandrus is sent by Alexander with money (Curtius, III, 1, 1 [cum pecunia misso]). 39 Numbers are known for Alexander the Great: Greek allies discharged in Hecatompylos received 1 talent per cavalryman and 1,000 drachms per infantryman (Curtius, VI, 2, 17); the 900 soldiers dismissed in Bactria came back with even more: 2 talents per cavalryman and 3,000 drachms per infantryman (Curtius, VII, 5, 27). I am grateful to my father, Philippe de Callataÿ, for his many conversations and his vast knowledge of wars and armies through history, especially concerning the Napoleonic period. 40 I. PROKOPOV, Die Silberprägung der Insel Thasos und die Tetradrachmen des « thasischen Typs » vom 2.-1. Jahrhundert v. Chr., Berlin, 2006 (p. 215-266 : Schatzfunde mit thasischen Tetradrachmen). 60 FRANÇOIS DE CALLATAŸ When looking at hoards, four parameters appear quite remarkable: their number, their large scattering, the high value of many and the fact that an abnormal proportion has round numbers. Their number The number of recovered hoards is quite astonishing. As such, we have the rare example (which I should say is unique for such a large coinage) of a coinage with nearly as many hoards (334) as obverse dies (399). We know that Bulgaria and Romania have a long tradition of numismatic excellence. Moreover, especially during communist times, few chances were left to make a forbidden profit from antiquities without taking a personal serious risk. Finds were thus reported with great accuracy and this constitutes an admittedly important bias to our sample.41 But it is unlikely that this modern explanation entirely clarifies the truly amazing extent of recovered monetary hoards. The chart hereafter computes the original number of obverse dies (‘O’: second column; ‘o’ – first column – is for the attested number of obverses in the sample) as well as the number of relevant hoards quoted in the Inventory of Greek Coin Hoards (only) for five Hellenistic tetradrachm’s coinages. The last column gives the ratio between the number of dies and the number of hoards. Chart 1: Comparison between the extrapolated original number of obverse dies and the number of hoards quoted in the IGCH Coinage Thasian-type tetradrachms Tetradrachms of Antiochus III Tetradrachms of Seleucus IV Tetradrachms of Mithridates Athenian stephanephori o 399 ? ? 157 1289 O c. 450 c. 400 c. 100 c. 190 c. 1400 IGCH 126 45 1 15 96 O/IGCH 3.6 8.9 19.1 12.7 14.6 Even if the number of hoards quoted by the IGCH proves to be rather limited for Thasian-type tetradrachms (126 instead of 334 known by Prokopov), it appears that, everything else being constant, we have four times more finds for these “Thasian” tetradrachms than for the Athenian stephanephori. Besides modern numismatic activity, many factors, surely, may have contributed to this high number of recovered hoards, including political violence, disease but also hoarding’s habits or – although very To quote two examples from different periods, see the impact on hoards maps of the personal activities of the Modenese abbot Celestino Cavedoni (1795-1865) for Emilia-Romagna (see D. BACKENDORF, Römische Münzschätze des zweiten und ersten Jahrhunderts v. Chr. vom italienischen Festland, Berlin, 1998, p. 132 and map 6, p. 495) and Raymond Weiller for Luxemburg. 41 ARMIES POORLY PAID IN COINS 61 unlikely – higher mean productivity for dies.42 As such however, we are left with the idea that these Thasian type tetradrachms were more frequently buried and lost in the ground than other coinages. Their large scattering The map of all these hoards reveals an astonishing scattering North to Thasos on the territories of what are now Bulgaria and Romania.43 Taking into account the physical map of these areas, it is quite clear that Thasian type tetradrachms were extensively recovered everywhere in the large plains both sides of the Stara Planina, “the Old Mountain”, as the Balkans are called nowadays. This scattering is in opposition with any hypothesis which would promote a more concentrated pattern: trade route or army’s movements. Conversely, it fits well with a return of Thracian mercenaries, whatever their tribes, to their original settlements. The high value of many hoards Annex I gives Prokopov’s list of hoards purged from all the finds for which no number of coins is provided (as well as many “finds” postulated by Ivo Lukanc for museum’s belongings). Out of the 214 selected hoards, 57 have a content of at least 40 Thasian type tetradrachms. Chart 2 lists these 57 hoards in decreasing order (B = Bulgaria; R = Romania). Chart 2: List of hoards with at least 40 Thasian type tetradrachms44 No. 33 28 182 263 81/236 145 Location Brestovets B IGCH 635 (Bogata Mureş R) Merichleri II B IGCH 965; CH II 99 (Sabrano B) IGCH 541 (Plumbuita R) Krushovitsa II B Total c. 1600 c. 800 c. 700 600 c. 5/600 506 Thasian Others c. 1600 c. 800 c. 700 600 c. 5/600 477 tetra. 37 Make, 2 Mar. 42 It is unlikely that we must incriminate the mean productivity for dies, which would then signify that Athenians were very unskillful artisans. General insecurity or disease may explain why so many owners did not recover their belongings but they are not reported in these areas and period of time. 43 I. PROKOPOV, op. cit. [n. 40], p. 335 (Karte der Münzfunde mit thasischen Tetradrachmen) and p. 337-342 (Legende zur Karte der Münzfunde mit thasischen Tetradrachmen). 44 Abbreviations are: Aby. = Abydus; Aes. = Aesillas; Alex. = Alexander the Great; AlexTroas = Alexandreia Troas; Apo. = Apollonia; Byz. = Byzantium; den. = denarii; dra. = drachms; Dyr. = Dyrrhachium; Make. = First Macedonia; Mar. = Maroneia; Mesem. = Mesembria; Nico = Nicomedes (king of Bithynia); Ode. = Odessus; Pru. = Prusias (king of Bithynia); tetra. = tetradrachms. 62 164 112 307 71 184 315 118 226 105 244 153 96 191 291 114 309 65 22 212 245 280 277 215 190 144 324 314 129 15 113 299 125 108 281 286 1 306 312 207 318 FRANÇOIS DE CALLATAŸ IGCH 921 (Matsa I B) IGCH 571 (Gradeshnitsa I B) IGCH 907 (Trakija B) Cherna Gora B Mezek B CH VIII 496 (Valea Presnei R) CH III 66 (Gurbaneşti R) Petroşani R IGCH 544 (Gelinţa R) IGCH 930 (Popina B) IGCH 535 (Ladzane B) Drenov B IGCH 517 (Mura Mic R) IGCH 924 (Strojno B) IGCH 547 (Grăniceri R) IGCH 636 (Transylvania R) IGCH 545 (Caşolţ R) Region Blagoevgrad B IGCH 539 (Osen B) IGCH 647 (Popinci B) IGCH 638 (Sîngeorzul Nou R) CH VIII 300 (Şieu Odorhei R) IGCH 980 (Ostrov R) CH II 104 (Municipiului R) IGCH 533 (Krushovitsa I B) Varna area IGCH 575 (Vălči Trăn B) IGCH 525 IGCH 916 IGCH 538 IGCH 927 IGCH 625 IGCH 910 IGCH 637 IGCH 662 IGCH 548 Tisa R (Hotnica B) (Benkovski I B) (Gradeshnitsa II B) (Tărgovište B) (Herastrau R) (Gorno pole B) (Sînpetru R) (Stăncuţa R) (Adinka R) See 286 430 431 400 c. 300 281 219 200 200 c. 200 170+ c. 150 142 167 193 120 117 100+ c. 100 100 100 97 214 178 94 411 400 400 c. 300 272 212 200 200 c. 200 168 c. 150 142 128 126 120 117 100+ c. 100 100 100 96 91 89 88 tetra. 24 Alex., 22 Byz, 1 Make, 30 dra. Alex. 1 tetra. Mar, 30 dra. Apol. and Dyr. tetra. 4 Byz., 4 Make., 1 Ode. 2 tetra. Mar. 2 tetra. Mar. 39 tetra. Make. tetra. 60 Mar., 4 Ath., 3 Make., 1 Aes. 1 tetra. Mar. 97 tetra. Make., 19 dra. Apo. and Dyr. 89 den. 1 tetra. Mar., 5 dra. Dyr. dra. 50 Dyr. and 17 Apo. 1 tetra. Mesem. c. 85/90 c. 85/90 c. 80 c. 80 131 64 63 ? 60 60 152 60 59 287+ 52 924 50 47 62 60+ 60 60 59 56 56 5 52 52 50 47 3 tetra. Make. 334 den. dra. 32 Dyr., 19 Apo., 821 den. Turmaş R5151 IGCH 627 (Nucii R) IGCH 649 (Vărbovka B) ARMIES POORLY PAID IN COINS 63 tetra. 13 Nico., 3 AlexTroas, 11 Byz., 1 Mar., 1 Pru., 1 Aby 1 tetra. Make., 41 den. 2 tetra. Mar. 3 IGCH 971 (Adrianople T) 75 45 131 158 288 148 230 267 196 304 308 326 Hunedoara II R IGCH 968 (Lipnitsa III B) IGCH 622 (Stoeneşti R) IGCH 920 (Korten I B) Pîrlita R4040 IGCH 573 (Sadovets I B) IGCH 498 (Nikolaevo I B) CH VIII 487 (Tiganeşti R) Topolovo B IGCH 526 (Vidrare B) 84 44 42 40 467 c. 40 40 170 ? 42 42 42 40 40 c. 40 40 40 40 421 dra. Apo. and Dyr. 130 den. ? Now 40 tetradrachms make 160 drachms which is a large amount of money, in any case the equivalent of several months of full salary (about 5 or 6, as a best guess). As seen before, soldiers had expenses and often contracted debts during their time of duty. It is consequently difficult to estimate to what length of service may typically correspond to a final pay of 40 tetradrachms but it is not unlikely that it represents the remaining part of a year or more of mercenary wages. The number of 57 recovered hoards with at least such a value is in itself impressive. For those who intuitively think that, out of all the monetary belongings once buried, one hoard out of 1,000 – at best – has been recovered, these 57 substantial hoards of Thasian type tetradrachms would imply 57,000 thousand original payments equal to one year or more. Ex absurdo, this tends to signify that the number of finds which were lost in ancient times by their owners and recovered by modern research is higher than 1 out of 1,000. Now, at the average rate of 20,000 coins per obverse die, 450 obverses for tetradrachms make 9,000,000 tetradrachms which are 36 million drachms (or 6,000 talents or 155 tons of silver). Even with the high pay of 360 drachms a year, 36 million drachms corresponds to 100,000 annual payments (or 10,000 during 10 years or 2,500 during 40 years). This is huge indeed but does not contradict with what has been previously stated about the survival ratio of hoards. How many years of service are documented by the 10,385 tetradrachms attested in these 57 hoards? As such, they represent – for the same high pay of 360 drachms a year – c. 115 years (one out one thousand thus). However, we must not forget that what Thracian mercenaries brought back home was only the remaining part of their wages. The conclusion is again that the ratio of modern recoveries is higher than 1 out of 1,000 for this type of hoards. 64 FRANÇOIS DE CALLATAŸ Abnormal proportion of round numbers At last, Prokopov’s list of hoards is dominated by round numbers. Indeed, we have to be careful about attraction for round numbers in modern literature. Considering the full list given by Prokopov, it is likely that cases exist for which real numbers of coins have been rounded by the one in charge of reporting them. But we may wonder if this phenomenon was widespread, especially when there is no or little attraction for what appear as particularly round numbers to us (the value 10, 50, 100 are rather underrepresented). Charts 3 and 4 classify by the last digit and in decreasing order, first by the number of Thasian type tetradrachms, and secondly by the total number of coins in hoards with that coinage. They obviously ignore all the information presented with a question-mark. The values equal or superior to 40 have been noted in bold characters. Chart 3: Number of Thasian type tetradrachms attested in hoards (classified by last digits) Last digit Occurrences 0 (28): 600, 400, 400, 200, 200, 120, 100, 100, 60, 60, 60, 50, 40, 40, 40, 40, 40, 40, 30, 30, 30, 20, 20, 20, 20, 20, 10, 10 2 (26): 272, 212, 142, 62, 52, 52, 42, 42, 42, 22, 22, 12, 12, 12, 12, 2, 2, 2, 2, 2, 2, 2, 2, 2, 2, 2 5 (25): 45, 35, 35, 25, 25, 25, 25, 15, 15, 15, 15, 15, 15, 15, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5 1 (24): 411, 91, 51, 31, 21, 11, 11, 11, 11, 11, 1, 1, 1, 1, 1, 1, 1, 1, 1, 1, 1, 1, 1, 1 6 (17): 126, 96, 56, 56, 36, 16, 16, 16, 6, 6, 6, 6, 6, 6, 6, 6 8 (16): 168, 128, 88, 28, 28, 18, 18, 18, 18, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8 4 (15): 74, 64, 44, 24, 14, 4, 4, 4, 4, 4, 4, 4, 4, 4, 4 3 (14): 53, 13, 13, 13, 13, 3, 3, 3, 3, 3, 3, 3, 3, 3 7 (12): 477, 117, 47, 37, 27, 7, 7, 7, 7, 7, 7, 7 9 (11): 89, 59, 39, 19, 19, 19, 9, 9, 9, 9, 9 188 hoards; ending with ‘0’: 28 out of 188 (14.9%) 47 hoards with 40 Thasian type tetradrachms at least; ending with ‘0’: 18 out of 47 (38.3%) What is interesting to notice in chart 3 is not the admittedly slight overrepresentation of the digit ‘0’ (14.9%) but the difference between this over-representation and the one obtained for large values (40 coins or more). Only taking into account these large values, we see that more than one hoard out of three (38.4%) has a round number ending with the digit ‘0’, a very large proportion indeed. Even if it does not look unexpected to have more round numbers with large hoards, the suspicion may arise that these round numbers come from round payments which were kept as such by their owners who made no use of them before these hoards were lost. ARMIES POORLY PAID IN COINS 65 The data pattern offers some support to this suggestion: with 6 occurrences, the value 40 comes first, followed by 20 (5 occurrences). Looking at very high values, 400 and 200 are both registered twice but, in the present state, values of 300 or 500 are not documented for example. The general pattern apparently favors the hypothesis of large payments made by lots of 20 tetradrachms and their multiples, up to 200, 400 and 600. Also noticeable is the fact that the most referenced value higher than 9 is 15 (with 7 occurrences). Chart 4: Total number of coins attested in hoards with Thasian type tetradrachms (classified by last digits) Last digit Occurrences 0 (37): 600, 430, 400, 280, 280, 270, 250, 200, 200, 180, 170, 120, 100, 100, 100, 60, 60, 60, 50, 50, 50, 40, 40, 40, 40, 40, 30, 30, 30, 30, 20, 20, 20, 20, 10, 10, 10 5 (20): 145, 75, 35, 25, 25, 25, 25, 25, 15, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5 2 (18): 602, 152, 142, 72, 52, 52, 42, 32, 32, 22, 22, 22, 12, 12, 12, 12, 12, 12 1 (15): 821, 461, 431, 231, 131, 101, 101, 51, 51, 31, 31, 21, 11, 11, 11 6 (15): 506, 446, 176, 106, 56, 36, 36, 26, 16, 16, 16, 6, 6, 6, 6 8 (15): 178, 158, 48, 28, 28, 18, 18, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8, 8 9 (14): 219, 59, 59, 49, 39, 29, 19, 19, 19, 19, 9, 9, 9, 9 4 (12): 924, 214, 124, 94, 84, 74, 44, 24, 14, 14, 4, 4 3 (10): 263, 193, 93, 63, 63, 33, 23, 13, 13, 3 7 (8): 167, 17, 97, 87, 47, 17, 17, 7 164 hoards; ending with ‘0’: 37 out of 164 (22.6%) 73 hoards with 40 coins at least; ending with ‘0’: 26 out of 73 (35.6%) Chart 4 deals with the total number of coins attested in hoards, whatever the coinage. Here the over-representation of the last digit ‘0’ is flagrant: 22.6% of all the occurrences and this percentage grows increases to 35.6% taking into account the values equal or superior to 40, a result very similar to the one obtained for Thasian type tetradrachms only (38.3%). Considering the four distinctive characters of Thasian type tetradrachms hoards all together, we cannot escape interpreting them as massive payments made to a large number of beneficiaries who take them from the mint to a vast area where they were extensively buried and, for a good part of them, left untouched. This is exactly what we may expect from Thracian mercenaries paid in coins when they were discharged by Rome (or other subsiding powers) and returning back home. This, of course, strongly argues for the limited character of monetization in Thrace at that time. In other words, these large Thasian type tetradrachms were quickly deprived from their status of “all purpose money” to play the 66 FRANÇOIS DE CALLATAŸ role of “special purpose money”, to quote the classical terminology created by Karl Polanyi.45 Annex I: Hoard’s list of Thasian type tetradrachms as established by Prokopov46 No. Hoards 1 IGCH 548 (Adinka R) See 286 3 IGCH 971 (Adrianople T) 4 5 6 7 10 11 14 15 16 17 19 22 23 24 25 27 28 30 31 32 33 35 36 39 56 58 59 IGCH 527 (Amara R) Akandjievo B Alexandria R CH VIII 533 (Arcus R) Total 52 75 8 8 87 263 ‘Thasian’ Others 52 45 tetra. 13 Nico., 3 AlexTroas, 11 Byz., 1 Mar., 1 Pru., 1 Aby 4 4 dra. Alex. 8 4 83 den. 5 208 dra. Apo., 50 den. 25 6 28 34 tetra., 2 cisto., 36 den. 60+ ? tetra. Mar. and Ath. ? tetra. Ath. 1 4 tetra. Ath. c. 100 8 43 tetro. Hist. 25 dra. Apo. and Dyr., den. 18 tetra. 3 Ath., 1 Mes., 1 Mar., 7 den. 6 10 tetra. Make. c. 800 30 1 tetra Mar. c. 10 3 2 tetra. Mar. 16 16 3 9 74 35 tetra 67 Make., 2 Ode., 1 Byz. 21 den. CH II 100 (Balciugatele R) 25 CH VIII 362 (Barbateşti-Socu R) 6 IGCH 976 (Belitsa B) 112+ IGCH 916 (Benkovski I B) IGCH 917 (Benkovski II B) IGCH 918 (Benkovski III B) IGCH 479 (Beroea G) Region Blagoevgrad B IGCH 944 (Blatnitsa B) Bobaia B IGCH 975 (Boljarino B) IGCH 494 (Bojuritsa B) IGCH 635 (Bogata Mureş R) IGCH 628 (Boşneagu R) IGCH 543 (Braşov R) Bratija Kănčevi B Brestovets Bc. 1600c. 1600 IGCH 623 (Brîncoveanu R) Brîncoveanu R Bucovaţ R Butculeşti R IGCH 537 (Byala Slatina I B) Byala Slatina II B ? c. 270 50 5 c. 100 51 270 30 ? c. 800 31 ? 5 93 16 ? 30 74 35 45 For that problem applied to Roman Empire, see, e.g., several contributions recently published in A. BURSCHE, R. CIOŁEK and R. WOLTERS (eds.), Roman Coins outside the Empire: Ways and Phases, Contexts and Functions (Moneta, 82), Wetteren, 2008 (especially A. Bursche, J. van Heesch and A. Zapolska). 46 For each hoard, reference to Prokopov’s list, the relevant number (if any) to the IGCH or the Coin Hoards, the place, the modern country (abbreviated by its initial), the number of Thasian type tetradrachms (as precisely as it has been reported: a “+” meaning “at least”) as well as the associated material is given. ARMIES POORLY PAID IN COINS 67 21 den. 98 den. 97 tetra. Make. 1 tetra. Mar. 1 tetra. Mar. 60 61 62 64 65 67 68 71 73 74 76 77 78 80 81 84 88 89 90 91 92 93 96 99 100 103 105 106 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 118 120 122 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 133 Călăraşi I R 22 Călăraşi II R ? Calineşti R 101 IGCH 514 (Căprioru R) 101 IGCH 545 (Caşolţ R) 100+ Celej R 17 IGCH 632 (Celeiu R) 16 Cherna Gora B c 300 IGCH 629 (Chiselet R) ? Čirpan B 19 Ciuperceni R ? Clipiceşti R 12 IGCH 519 (Cluj R) 12+ IGCH 675; CH III 68 (Cojaska R) c. 120/150 See 236 Cuceu R 31 Debnevo B 8 IGCH 960 (Didymotichcon G) 20 IGCH 621 (Dobrolevo B) ? Dobreni R 25 Dobrodan B ? CH VI 48 (Dolno Botevo B) 10 Drenov B 142 CH II 103 (Frăsinet R) 29 IGCH 631; CH VIII 494 21 (Furculeşti R) Region Galaţi R 5 IGCH 544 (Gelinţa R) c. 200 Gipsovo B0 c. 30 IGCH 910 (Gorno pole B) 60 IGCH 495 (Gortalovo B) ? 26 Goce Delčev B IGCH 919 (Gradets B)88 IGCH 571 (Gradeshnitsa I B) 431 IGCH 538 (Gradeshnitsa II B) IGCH 547 (Grăniceri R) IGCH 659 (Grădiştea R) Gura Padini R CH III 66 (Gurbaneşti R) See 122 CH I 92 (Haskovo B) IGCH 625 (Herastrau R) Hilib R IGCH 895 (Hîrşova R) IGCH 654 (Hotărani R) IGCH 525 (Hotnica B) Region Hunedoara I R Hunedoara II R Icland, Region Mureş R 60 120 23 250 200 9 152 22 9 ? 63 13 84 36 1 28 3 4 100+ 16 15 c. 300 11 19 2 12 12+ 25+ 31 8 16/7 6 25 17 9 142 1 20 5 c. 200 c. 30 56 7 20 400 60 120 1 1 200 2 59 22 6 3 62 13 42 2 tetra. Make. tetra., 1 tetra. Make. 3/4 tetra. Mar. 1 den. 28 tetra. Make. 1 tetra. Mar. 7 tetra. Make. 6 tetra. Ath. 1 tetra. Mar, 30 dra. Apol. and Dyr. 22 den. 1 dra. Alex., 248 den. tetra. 3 Make., 1 Aes., 1 Mithr., 2 dra. Dyr. 3 tetra. Make. 28 den. 1 tetra. Mesem. 1 tetra. Make., 41 den. 34 den. 68 134 135 137 138 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 162 164 165 166 167 169 170 172 173 174 175 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 186 189 190 FRANÇOIS DE CALLATAŸ Iclănzel R IGCH 491 (Jasen I B) Jeglia R IGCH 516 (Jigodin R) IGCH 978 (Karavrelovo B) Karlovo B IGCH 966 (Karnobat I B) IGCH 967 (Karnobat II B) IGCH 533 (Krushovitsa I B) Krushovitsa II B IGCH 492 (Koilovtsi B) Kolyo Marinovo B IGCH 920 (Korten I B) IGCH 535 (Ladzane B) CH VI 49 (Levka B) Levski B IGCH 499 (Lipnitsa I B) IGCH 570 (Lipnitsa II B) IGCH 968 (Lipnitsa III B) Region Lovetch B Lomets B Lueta R IGCH 921 (Matsa I B) 19 c. 20 446 17 40 5 28 20+2 c. 85/90 506 6 40 40 c. 150 28 ? 100 19 44 15 30 ? 430 1 2 1 15 2 2 27 0+ c. 85/90 477 2 9 40 c. 150 15 3 20 19 42 15 30 2 411 5 20 2 6 10 5 44 1 1 25 7 5 5 1 c. 700 4 272 4 30 88 18 den. 4 tetra. Make. 421 den., 24 Get. tetra. 1 Make, 1 Mar. 3 tetra. Ath., 35 den. 3 tetra. Ath. 1 tetra. Mar. tetra. 37 Make, 2 Mar. 4 tetra. Make. 31 den. tetra. 5 Mar., 3 Make., 1 Ath., 1 Byz., 1 Aes. dra. 27 Dyr., 4 Apo. 2 tetra. Mar. IGCH 922 (Matsa II B) 5 IGCH 923 (Matsa III B) 20 IGCH 479 and 481 (Macedonia G) 48 Mahalata B IGCH 961 (Madanja B) IGCH 546 (Măgerani R) IGCH 915 (Maglish B) Malak Chardak B Mărtiniş R CH V 49 (Mavrodin R) Medovo I B Medovo II B Medovo III B Merichleri I B IGCH 909 (Merichleri II B) IGCH 630 (Merişani R) Mezek B IGCH 664 (Mindja B) IGCH 677 (Monor R) CH II 104 (Municipiului R) 6 11 5 71+ 602 16 25 158 5 5 4 c. 700 14 280 10 30 94 tetra. 24 Alex., 22 Byz, 1 Make, 30 dra. Alex. tetra. 29 Ath., 7 Make., 7 Pers., 2 Byz. 1 tetra. Alex. 27 tetra. Byz. 1 tetra. Ath., 600 den. (598 + 2) 15 den. 151 den. tetra. 2 Make., 1 Byz. 10 tetra. Make. tetra. 4 Byz., 4 Make., 1 Ode. tetra. 3 Mes., 1 Ode., 1 cist., 1 den. 1 tetra. Mar., 5 dra. Dyr. ARMIES POORLY PAID IN COINS 69 39 tetra. Make. 1 tetra. Ath. 10 tetra. Make. 3 tetra. Ath., 12 den. tetra. 15 Ath., 8 Aes., 6 Make. tetra. 7 Mar., 2 Ath. 34 tetra. Mar. 45 tetra. Get. tetra. 3 Ode., 1 Mes., 1 Make. 89 den. tetra. 1 Ode., 1 Mar. 3 den. 1 tetra. Make. dra. 26 Dyr., 23 Apo. 191 192 193 196 197 198 199 200 201 203 207 208 212 214 215 217 220 221 225 226 227 228 230 233 234 236 238 239 240 241 243 244 245 246 247 252 253 256 257 258 259 262 263 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 IGCH 517 (Mura Mică R) Najdenovo I B Najdenovo II B IGCH 498 (Nikolaevo I B) IGCH 536 (Nikolaevo II B) IGCH 977 (Nova Mahala B) CH VII 139 (North Greece G) 167 12 3 c. 40 18 33 32 128 11 3 c. 40 8 18 3 15 5 5 50 4 100 5 89 7 8 5 24 200 1 14 40 6 8 c. 5/600 3 15 22 0 5 168 100 39 5 18 7 8 11 8 4 600 4 40 21 15 12 IGCH 963 (Nova Zagora I B) 24 IGCH 964 (Nova Zagora II B) 39 Nova Zagora IV B 5 IGCH 627 (Nucii R) 50 CH VIII 500 (Oltenia R) 49 IGCH 539 (Osen B) 100 IGCH 928 = CH V 50 (Osikovo B) 22 IGCH 980 (Ostrov R) Padarevo II B Palauzovo B CH VI 45 (Pavelsko B) CH V 48 (Petrindu R) Petroşani R IGCH 577 (Pinaul de Sus R) IGCH 676 (Pipera R) Pîrlita R Region Pleven B Region Pleven B IGCH 541 (Plumbuita R) IGCH 639 (Poiana Teiului R) CH II 101 (Poiana-Teleorman R) Poiana II R IGCH 626 (Popeşti-Leordeni R) CH V 53 (Popeşti R) IGCH 930 (Popina B) IGCH 647 (Popinci B) IGCH 647 (Poroschia R) Pravoslav B Razlog B Remetea Mare R “Rogalski” I B “Roglaski” II B “Rodni Balkani” B Ruse I B1313 IGCH 572 (Ruptsi B) IGCH 965; CH II 99 (Sabrano B) IGCH 925; CH I 101 (Sadievo) See 265 IGCH 573 (Sadovets I B) IGCH 574 (Sadovets II B) IGCH 522 (Samovodene B) Saevo B3636 Sarnitsa B 178 9 8 8? 25 200 50 14 40 6 c. 100 c. 5/600 ? 72 25 202 5 170+ 100 124 5 32 176 8 ? 8 32? 600 52 461 ? ? 12 12 tetra. Make. 57 tetra Make. 3 den. 2 tetra. Mar. 85 den. 14 tetra. Ath. 169 den. dra. 3 Apo., 25 Dyr. 48 tetra. Byz. 421 dra. Apo. and Dyr. dra. Apo. and Dyr. 4 tetra. Mes. 70 272 273 274 277 280 281 283 284 285 286 288 289 291 293 296 297 298 299 300 304 306 307 308 309 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321 322 323 324 325 326 327 328 331 333 334 Satu Nou R IGCH 656 (Sfinţeşti R) IGCH 898 (Šumen B) FRANÇOIS DE CALLATAŸ 180 106 63 214 97 59 12 11 12 87+ 42 ? 193 c. 10 56 231 20 60 145 40 924 400 170 117 ? 131 219 59 11 47 ? 19 9 7 4 c. 80 8 ? 280 821 12 10 18 1 13 1 91 96 56 6 7 10 53 42 30+ 126 2 35 ? 11 60 37 40 52 400 40 117 4 64 212 11 11 47 3 19 9 7 4 c. 80 1 40 13 6 12 9 12 CH VIII 300 (Şieu Odorhei R) IGCH 638 (Sîngeorzul Nou R) IGCH 637 (Sînpetru R) IGCH 488 (Slatina B) Sokolovo B IGCH 518 (Sovata R) IGCH 662 (Stăncuţa R) see 1 IGCH 622 (Stoeneşti R) CH II 102 (Stoina R) IGCH 924 (Strojno B) Suatu R South-West Bulgaria B IGCH 914 (Svoboda B) Tămădău Mare R IGCH 927 (Tărgovište B) IGCH 506 (Tarnava B) CH VIII 487 (Tiganeşti R) Tisa R IGCH 907 (Trakija B) Topolovo B IGCH 636 (Transylvania R) Turmaş R5151 CH VIII 497 (Ulmu R) IGCH 575 (Vălči Trăn B) CH VIII 496 (Valea Presnei R) IGCH 529 (Vărbitsa B) Vărbitsa II B IGCH 649 (Vărbovka B) IGCH 649? (Vărmaga R) Varna I B Varna II B Varna III B Varna IV B Varna area Vetren B IGCH 526 (Vidrare B) IGCH 510 (Viişoara R) IGCH 640; CH VIII 499 (Visoara R) IGCH 534 (Zgalevo B) IGCH 975 (Zlatograd B) Lopate II M 125 den. 93 den. tetra. 48 Mes., 13 Ode. 97 tetra. Make., 19 dra. Apo. and Dyr., 7 sta. Celt. 1 tetra. Mar. 3 tetra. Make. 6 tetra. Make. 1 tetra. Mar. 2 tetra. Make. 34 den. tetra. 60 Mar., 4 Ath., 3 Make., 1 Aes. 2 tetra. Make. 21 tetra. Ath. tetra. Abydos 3 tetra. Celt. 102 tetra. Make. dra. 32 Dyr., 19 Apo., 821 den. 130 den. dra. 50 Dyr. and 17 Apo. 2 tetra. Mar. 48 tetra. Mar. 1 tetra. Make., 1 den. 4 tetra. Ath., 3 den. ? 122 tetra. Make. dra. 812 Dyr., 3 Apo. 1 tetra. Aes. 6 tetra. Make.