Coin circulation and coin use in Northern Gaul between the Mosel and the North Sea from Caesar to Augustus, in M.P. García-Bellido, A. Mostalac and A. Jiménez (eds.), Del imperium de Pompeyo a la avctoritas de Augusto. Homenaje a Michael Grant (Anejos de AEspA, 47), Madrid, 2008, p. 29-39.

M.a Paz García-Bellido Antonio Mostalac Alicia Jiménez (eds.) ANEJOS AESPA XLVII DE DEL IMPERIVM DE POMPEYO A LA AVCTORITAS DE AUGUSTO Homenaje a Michael Grant ARCHIVO ESPAÑOL Departamento de Historia Antigua y Arqueología INSTITUTO DE HISTORIA Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas Madrid. España ARQVEOLOGÍA DE Anejos de AEspA XLVII MARÍA PAZ GARCÍA-BELLIDO ANTONIO MOSTALAC ALICIA JIMÉNEZ (eds.) ÍNDICE 5 DEL IMPERIVM DE POMPEYO A LA AVCTORITAS DE AUGUSTO Homenaje a Michael Grant CONSEJO SUPERIOR DE INVESTIGACIONES CIENTÍFICAS Instituto de Historia MADRID, 2008 COIN CIRCULATION AND COIN USE IN NORTHERN GAUL BETWEEN THE MOSEL AND THE NORTH SEA FROM CAESAR TO AUGUSTUS BY JOHAN VAN HEESCH Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, Bruxelles SUMMARY The prime concern of the Romans was not coinage or coin supply for civilian use. That is why so many different local coinages can be found in the period after the conquest of Gaul during the second half of the first century BC. Coin loss patterns from Northern Gaul suggest a monetization in two phases. The first probably linked to the earliest permanent presence of Roman authorities in the North that probably corresponds with the installation of Roman administration in Reims (capital) and the organisation of taxation in money. The second was linked to the more permanent presence of legions on the frontier from 12 BC onwards. The first wave precedes it, although it is hard to date accurately, but we suggest that (in Northern Gaul) it took place under the reign of Augustus also, probably in the second decade BC. We should, therefore, probably separate to some extent the Romanization of the northern parts of «civilian» Gaul from the military developments near the Rhine and in Germania. RESUMEN El abastecimiento de moneda para uso civil no fue la principal preocupación de los romanos. Por esta razón es posible encontrar tantos tipos diferentes de monedas locales en el periodo posterior a la conquista de la Galia, durante la segunda mitad del s. I a. C. El patrón de dispersión de moneda perdida del norte de la Galia sugiere un proceso de monetización en dos fases. La primera probablemente asociada a la presencia permanente más temprana de las autoridades romanas en el norte, que posiblemente se corresponde con la instalación de la administración romana en Reims (capital) y la organización del cobro de impuestos en dinero. La segunda estuvo relacionada con la presencia de carácter más permanente de las legiones en la frontera a partir del 12 a. C. La primera oleada la precede, aunque es difícil de datar con precisión, pero sugerimos que (en el norte de la Galia) tuvo lugar también bajo el reinado de Augusto, probablemente en la segunda década a. C. Deberíamos, por lo tanto, probablemente, desvincular hasta cierto punto la romanización de las zonas civiles del norte de la Galia de los asentamientos militares cercanos al Rin y en Germania. KEY WORDS: Northern Gaul. Coinage. Celts. Rome. Numismatics. Economic History. Archaeology. PALABRAS CLAVE: Norte de la Galia. Monedas. Celtas. Roma. Numismática. Historia económica. Arqueología. Between Caesar and Augustus, large parts of Western Europe were integrated in the Roman Empire.1 When discussing the mechanism of conquest a different vocabulary is required. The process of integration was sometimes presented by the Romans as the result of a mutual agreement, treaty or alliance, but in most cases it was war that brought the new territories under Roman rule. It is not at all surprising that at the very beginning of the 21st century the integration of late Iron Age societies into the Roman Empire has attracted a great deal of the attention of historians. After all globalisation is a hot topic which, depending of the side we choose, can be seen as a threat to local economies and cultural patterns or as the final stage of integration into a modern world. A similar approach can be applied to the Roman ‘conquest’. Were the Romans the messengers of new and higher cultural values or did they actually destroy diversity within different, but equally interesting civilizations?2 To consolidate their power and to accelerate cultural integration the Romans were keen to reward collaborating peoples and their leaders. In Book 8 of the Gallic War, Hirtius writes: «Therefore, by treating the states with respect, making rich presents to the leading men, imposing no new burdens, and making the terms of their subjection lighter, he easily kept Gaul in obedience» (BG, 8.49). Further confirmation of this policy of relying on friendship can be found in the ultimate organisation of Gaul under Augustus at the very end of the first century BC. The new system was based on the creation of civitates with different privileges. Some territories became civitates foederata or civitates liberae, who differed from the civitates stipendiariae who apparently bore 1 I would like to thank Ian Leins from the British Museum for reviewing my text. 2 Hingley 2005. 30 Del imperium de Pompeyo a la auctoritas de Augusto Anejos de AEspA XLVII Fig. 1. Northern Gaul during the Roman Empire (after La Belgique romaine, Dossiers Archéologie et Sciences des origins 315, 2006). a much heavier tax burden.3 To study the transition between the late Iron Age to the Roman period it is necessary to analyse all of the available sources: classical texts, archaeological data and last but not least the numismatic material. This contribution will examine in detail the region of northern Gaul that is situated to the north of the world of the Celtic oppida and to the south and west of the Rhine frontier zone (Fig. 1). This hinterland essentially corresponds to modern Belgium, the far north of France and southern parts of the Netherlands. It was inhabited by Menapians, Nervians and Eburones, although the latter were completely exterminated by Caesar in 51 BC and replaced by a people known as the Tungri. The Tungri gave their name to the civitas Tungrorum of which the town of Tongeren was the capital. The Nervians, who lived between Menapians and Eburones, were described by Caesar as a very conservative people: «That there was no access for merchants to them; that they suffered no wine and other things tending to luxury to be im3 ported; because, they thought that by their use the mind is enervated and the courage impaired: they were a savage people and of great bravery» (BG, II, 15.4). While the conquest of this area by Caesar and his generals is well attested, there is, as for most parts of Gaul, little reliable historical data from the period 50 BC – AD 14.4 Thus, although Suetonius suggests that Caesar reduced the conquered territories to a province and imposed a yearly tribute of 40 million sestertii (Suet, Caesar 25), archaeological finds, even of the actual conquest, are absent from this part of Gaul. This fact explains why a leading Belgian archaeologist has argued that Caesar and his generals never reached these parts of Gaul and that his exploits were pure fantasy. His point of view is understandable as most archaeological traces we have are very insecure. Celtic gold hoards are very numerous in this area but their link with the Gallic War will never be proven. The only dendrochronological date 4 Historical context: Wightman 1985; Goudineau 1990; Eck 2003; Nouwen 2003; Ferdière 2005. Minor tribes or peoples are not included in this paper for the sake of clarity. Bernhardt 1980. Anejos de AEspA XLVII COIN CIRCULATION AND COIN USE IN NORTHERN GAUL... 31 we have (though not uncontested) is 57 BC and comes from a small excavation on a hilltop in Kanne on the course of the river Meuse, not far from Tongeren. Little else is known about the site, although its name, Caestert, is a clear reference to castra.5 The rare Iron Age «oppida» from the higher parts of this region of northern Gaul (such as Thuin, Asse, Kemmelberg, Leuven, etc.) do not provide us with any clear Roman find evidence from this period6. Even the Roman military camp discovered in Velzeke (East Flanders) and dated to the early Augustan period has never been properly excavated and its function is far from certain7. The oldest fairly secure archaeological evidence of the Roman’s presence in this region are the Roman vici situated on the main road from Bavay (France) to Cologne (Germany) and some other sites including the vicus at Namur and an important sanctuary at Blicquy that might have pre-Augustan origins (conciliabulum?). It is generally agreed that the sites on the major Roman roads were created by the Romans in the last decade BC.8 Given the poverty of historical and archaeological data, it is understandable that historians are eager to know if coins can tell us more about the area under review in the second half of the first century BC. But what exactly do we want the coins to tell us? Could we link some coin finds to the presence of Roman troops in this area? Did the arrival of the Romans have a direct impact on the use of money? Did the economy become fully monetised – employing small bronzes – before or after the Romans arrived in the area? To answer these questions we need not only well excavated sites, with numerous coins found in the same archaeological layer, but also reliable dates for the coins themselves. Furthermore it is essential to know whether indigenous coinages were ever used by Romans. It is my belief that one of the major faults in ancient numismatics today is that the coinages of the late Iron Age are mostly studied by (pre-)historians and archaeologists who focus on the Iron Age without acknowledging the Roman material. In doing so, an impression is created of different monetary «cultures» when, in my opinion, Celtic coinages from 50 BC onwards should be considered as a «Roman provincial coinage». As such, they can be viewed as one of many local coinages that were allowed once Rome took over the political power of a region.9 5 Hollstein 1976; Vanvinckenroye 2001 (or should it be 31 BC instead of 75 BC; differences of interpretation do exist!). 6 Fichtl 1994. 7 Rogge 1980. 8 Brulet 2002. 9 Van Heesch 1998, 2004, 2005, 2006a. Tremendous problems also result from the dating of these local coinages. With the exception of those Iron Age coins that occur in early Roman military camps on the Rhine and the Lippe and those found in Alesia, most have been found on sites without clear pre-Augustan archaeological layers or as surface finds. I propose to divide the monetary history of the area in question into two periods: The first spanning the decades between Caesar and Augustus from 50 to 20 BC, and the second covering the remainder of Augustus’ reign. The second period will be illustrated using the finds from Liberchies (Belgium, Brabant wallon), the largest coin site in the entire region (outside the limes).10 At the very end of the Gallic War, in 50 BC, Caesar gathered together all of his troops in the land of the Treveri for a general survey. No further details are given by Hirtius, the author of book VIII of the Gallic War, although it is very likely that the soldiers received their pay at this time. There can be little doubt that most of the legionaries will have received pay in denarii or aurei. These were the only coins struck at that time by the Romans and the finds of Alesia, recently republished by Fischer and Popovich, further support this.11 On the other hand local chiefs leading Roman auxiliary troops may have been allowed to remint Roman silver in issues mentioning their names.12 All of the early secure data from northern Gaul comes from outside the geographical limits set for this contribution but I think it will be interesting to mention them briefly. The coin finds from the military camp of La Chassée-Tirancourt (northern France, Somme), reflect the situation about 30-20 BC and the presence of Roman soldiers there can be linked to the revolt of the tribe of the Morini in 30 BC. Although much remains unclear about the occupants of this site, it is interesting to note that Roman coins are almost absent in the camp (i.e. 326 Gallic coins to 10 Roman ones).13 Almost 50 % of 10 The coin finds of this site were partially published by J. Lallemand, J.-M. Doyen and J. van Heesch. A complete catalogue (Word document) is available on simple demand addressed to the coin cabinet of the Royal Library of Belgium. The lower Rhine-region is not discussed in this paper (see the contribution of Paul Beliën in this volume). Numerous finds of billon triskilès-coins (rainbow cups) are documented for this area. Dating and function of these remain enigmatic, though I suspect that the billon coins are Augustan also. For a thorough discussion on this topic see N. Roymans, 2004. 11 Fischer 2001; Popovitch 2001; Wolters 2000-2001. 12 Van Heesch 2005, 233; Caesar B Civ., 5.59, on the Allobroges. 13 Delestrée, Boisard & Boulenger 2006, 20. 32 Del imperium de Pompeyo a la auctoritas de Augusto Anejos de AEspA XLVII the coins were Iron Age silver, mainly Gallic quinarii. The commonest group are coins inscribed TOGIRIX (52) and surprisingly 34 imitations of obols of Marseille! Were Roman legionaries paid in this kind of currency? This is unlikely and it is perhaps safer to interpret these coin finds as money used by Gallic auxiliaries under local commanders. Another intriguing find is the small military outpost excavated in 2001-2002 near Arras on a site called «La Corette» (northern France, Pas-deCalais).14 The fortification was occupied from 50/40 BC onwards but has unfortunately provided few coin finds. What it has in common with La Chaussée Tirancourt is an almost complete absence of Roman coins. From the 14 coins found within the fortress only one is Roman, a halved bronze coin of Octavian from Vienne, dated to 36 BC. The other coins are bronze coins and potin mainly of Atrebatic origins.15 A completely different story is told by the hoard of Tilly-Capelle (northern France, Pas de Calais), found in 1858 but well documented.16 This is the only hoard of Republican aurei from Gaul. 11 from the original 17 coins are known and all date between 43 and 31 BC. This find is equally linked to the revolt of the Morini and suggests that aurei might have been used in military pay. The early presence of early Roman coins in the North is also attested on the Titelberg (Lux). A well known archaeological level from 31 BC was dated by dendrochronology. It contained 145 coins: one Celtic plated quinarius, 139 Celtic bronze coins and potin and 5 Roman ones.17 The Roman coins included two denarii and 3 halved bronzes, two of Vienne (in France) dated to 36 BC. Another early site is the famous Petrisberg near Trier and not far from the Titelberg. This military stronghold, which was only occupied for a year or so, is also dated by dendrochronology to 30 BC. Here Roman coins dominated and only 2 out 25 coins were Celtic.18 Unfortunately no such precise data is available for the Gallic hinterland north of the oppida-region. Therefore I will start with a short presentation of what I consider to be post-Gallic War coinages of the region before discussing the arrival of Roman coinage. The Menapians, who were famous for their cooked ham during the later Roman Empire, lived along the North Sea coast. They were virtually a coin-less so14 Jacques & Prilaux et al., 2003 ; Jacques in Reddé 2006, 201-203. 15 Gricourt 2002; Gricourt 2003, 54. 16 Delmaire & Acquart 1986; Delmaire 1983. 17 Weiller 1977, 152-154; Metzler 1977, 37. 18 Löhr 2003, 29 (no detailed description of the coins). ciety and no local issues are known. During a major battle against Caesar in 57 BC, the Nervians provided 50,000 warriors, the Eburones 40,000 but the Menapians only 7,000.19 Whatever the value of these figures, it shows that they were a minor tribe. East of the Menapii, and separated from them by the River Scheldt, lived the Nervii. Although they were fierce adversaries of Caesar, they changed course at some point, deciding instead to collaborate, or rather cooperate with the Romans. As a result they acquired a privileged status, becoming a civitas libera under Augustus. While their important gold coinage is probably essentially pre-Roman, their potin and bronze coins are probably minted after the Gallic War. Unfortunately most of these coinages are impossible to date precisely.20 One fact remains certain, all archaeological contexts where Nervian bronze coins have been found date to the Roman period. They turn up in huge quantities at sanctuaries (Blicquy, Fontaine Valmont, Kruishoutem) and in Roman villages (Liberchies, Velzeke). All these sites are dated by numerous pottery finds to the reign of Augustus and are probably not earlier than 20/10 BC. It is my belief, until evidence proves to the contrary, that these coins should be regarded as local issues of the late first century BC (and perhaps even early first century AD) that emerged at the same time as Roman nucleated settlements appeared along the roads constructed in the same period. The introduction of small change coinages can be linked to the adoption of a market oriented economy that emerged once taxes were raised on a regular basis and Roman troops (with «tribuni ex civitate Nerviorum» in 9 BC, Livy, Ep. 141) had to be provided with food and other utilitarian goods.21 This idea of a later monetarization in the North of Gaul seems to be confirmed by the data we have for the Eburones/Tungri (I will use Tungri in what follows, as after the annihilation of the Eburones this part of the North was known as the civitas Tungrorum). After their gold coinage ended in possibly ca. 50 BC, they minted two different coin issues: a very rare series of silver quinarii inscribed ANNAROVECI and a coinage of bronze inscribed AVAUCIA.22 Both series are stylistically very close (horse on the reverse) suggesting that they were perhaps minted in the same period. As inscribed Avaucia coins are earlier than the anepigraphic ones and should be dated Nouwen 2003, 89. Van Heesch 1998 for the details. 21 Van Heesch 1998, 2004, 2005, 2006a. 22 Scheers 1977; Delestrée & Tache 2002; van Heesch 2006b. 19 20 Anejos de AEspA XLVII COIN CIRCULATION AND COIN USE IN NORTHERN GAUL... 33 in the second decade BC,23 the silver quinarii might tentatively be dated to the same decade. The bronzes are very common on early Roman military settlements along the Rhine and the Lippe and it is not certain how many mints were active. The silver quinarii however circulated only very locally in the centre of the land of the Tungri.24 That is quite remarkable. It means that a local chief needed small silver coins to cover local expenses and that they circulated locally. I presume that coinages like these were used by local militia under the supervision of an indigenous commander.25 It is equally tempting to associate a coin issue as this one with the emergence of the town of Tongeren and the role played in it by the local nobility. Let us now have a closer look at the coin finds from one major site that clearly illustrates how local Iron Age coinages circulated together with early Roman coins and other «provincial» series. Though several early Roman nucleated settlements are known in the north of Gaul and in the hinterland of the frontier zone, only one has provided us with a very large number of early coins. This site is Liberchies (Pontà-Celles, province of Hainaut, Belgium), an important village on the road from Bavay in France to Cologne in Germany. It is situated in the civitas Tungrorum but quite near the border of that of the Nervians. The numerical importance of the coin finds of this site become clear when compared to the data for Reims, the capital of Gallia Belgica (Fig. 2). Fig. 3. Celtic, Roman Republican and Augustan coins from Liberchies (Belgium). foundations from the age of Augustus.26 This signifies that all Celtic, Roman Republican and Augustan coins were lost on this site between say 20 BC (although this date is fairly arbitrary) and the early first century AD. Fig. 4. «Celtic» bronze coins from Liberchies (excluding the 72 potins and 6 gold coins). Fig. 2. Celtic, Roman Republican and Augustan coins from Reims (F) and Liberchies (B). In Fig. 3 all early coins of Liberchies are shown (i.e. Celtic, Republican and Augustan coins). The site did not reveal any pre-Roman pottery or other preRoman archaeological traces. This village is only one out of many that is situated along a very important Roman road (the Boulogne-Bavay-Cologne). As all these sites are located at regular intervals along this road, and the oldest sigillata finds are Augustan in date, it is generally agreed upon that all are Roman Scheers 1996; Kemmers 2005, 39-42. Scheers 1996; Roymans & Derks 1994. 25 On auxiliary units see Roymans 2004, 56, 222-223; Reddé 1996. On local militia in other parts of the empire see Mitchell 1999 and Brunt 1975. 23 24 In Fig. 4 the most frequent Celtic coins issues found in Liberchies are shown. Avaucia bronzes outnumber all other series.27 Liberchies is an interesting site because it is the most westward situated place where these Avaucia coins (Fig. 5) are found in large numbers. Once passed the border of the civitas Tungrorum, these coins are almost completely absent, being replaced by another local currency that is equally Celtic in design. These are the so called «rameaux» (French for «branch») potins and bronze coins issued by the Nervians (Fig. 6).28 Although a slight exaggeration, we can almost say that sites in the Nervian territory have only «rameaux» bronzes, while those in Tungrian territory have only Avaucias. Liberchies, situated not only on the frontier between the two civitates but also between what will later become Gallia Belgica and Germania Inferior, has both. 26 27 28 Brulet 2002. Scheers 1977 n° 217. Scheers 1977 n° 190; van Heesch 1998, 43-53. 34 Del imperium de Pompeyo a la auctoritas de Augusto Anejos de AEspA XLVII Fig. 5. Bronze coin of the Avaucia-type (diam.: 16mm). Fig. 6. Nervian bronze coin of the type «au Rameau» (diam.: 15mm). A third series of coins that is fairly frequent in Liberchies are those inscribed GERMANVS INDUTILLIL (Fig. 7).29 Contrary to the two previous series, these are not made of bronze or copper but brass, suggesting that they may have been intended to be used as semisses or half asses, whereas the other small bronzes might have been quadrantes. The mint and dating of these coins are uncertain but they are commonly found in sites traditionally considered to be Roman nucleated settlements created in Augustus’ reign. Traditionally these coins are dated from 10 BC onwards as a specimen was found in the camp of Oberaden. Jean Marc Doyen, however, in an important book on the coins found in Reims, dates this series to the second decade BC and interprets them as a provincial coinage minted in Reims, the capital of Gallia Belgica.30 The Remi have a much older Fig. 8. The distribution of the Avauci, Nervian «Rameaux» and Germanus Indutillil coins. monetary tradition than the northern «tribes». But when did these Germanus coins come to be distributed over such a large area? And for how long were they struck? These questions cannot readily be answered. It appears, therefore, that at least three bronze currencies existed during the reign of Augustus (Nervian, Avaucia and Germanus types), each with a different distribution pattern (Fig. 8).31 The Nervian coins («rameaux») are almost exclusively found in the western parts of northern Gaul (within the civitas Nerviorum), the Avaucia bronzes are numerous along the Rhine frontier and in the immediate hinterland of the military region, and the Germanus Indutillil coins are found in both of these areas, although they are much rarer on the Rhine than in «civilian 31 Distribution maps in Scheers 1977, 738-739, 812, 825. More recent information on the distribution of the «Rameau»-coins: van Heesch 1998, 43-53 (but without a complete distribution map); for Avaucia: Scheers 1996 and Van den Bergh 2001; for Germanus Indutillil: Doyen 2007. Most of the «Batavian» rainbow cups are billon coins (a mixture of bronze with some silver, even some gold). I am not sure that they were used as small change in the way pure copper or brass coins were. They are very common on the Lower Rhine area and also occur in early Roman Rhine and Lippe camps. They are not mentioned on my map (Fig. 8). The best discussion on these coins is Roymans 2004. Fig. 7. Brass Germanus Indutillil coin (diam. : 17 mm). 29 30 Scheers 1977 n.° 216 and RPC no 506. Doyen 2007. Anejos de AEspA XLVII COIN CIRCULATION AND COIN USE IN NORTHERN GAUL... 35 Gaul». I must confess that I have no sound explanation for this. It looks as if Avaucia bronzes are mainly linked to the military economic circuit on the frontier and the surrounding area and the Germanus perhaps to civilian activities in what could be called «civilian» Gaul. But what about the restricted circulation of the Nervian bronzes? Although we do not know how the low value brass Germanus coins entered into circulation, the fact remains that they circulated over a large area. This seems to suggest a sphere of intense economic activity in the north, with civilians travelling all over the region using and accepting the same series of small brass coins without any problems. Given that the earliest Avaucia bronzes might be minted in the second decade BC and that the Germanus coins are possibly of the same date, we should not exclude the possibility that a small change coin circulation existed in these parts of northern Gaul before the Roman coinages of Nîmes and Lyons arrived en masse, after 12/11 BC.32 All of these finds inform us only about the circulation of small change. Larger denominations are not so frequently lost, but it cannot be doubted that gold and silver coins were also available. In most settlements of Augustan date, as at Liberchies, Celtic silver coins are absent, but Roman silver coins are fairly common (although many are plated forgeries). Figure 9 lists the Roman Republican silver and bronze coins found at Liberchies. Although soldiers travelling with Caesar must have had aurei and denarii in their purses, we also know that Republican silver coins still circulated till the end of the first century AD and that it is impossible to deduce anything about an early coin circulation from them. Some years ago (in 2000) a hoard of 229 denarii was found in Huise (Belgium). The latest coins were denarii of Domitian but it still contained 102 Republican denarii (i.e. 45 %). 24% of all coins dated from before 40 BC.33 The same difficulty exists for the bronze coins. Most of the Republican bronzes are halved asses of Lyons (Copia) or Vienne and sometimes Roman asses with Janus or the head of Pompey.34 Although clearly pre-Augustan, they are what Fleur Kemmers has called «a constant background noise» in most of the first century AD sites.35 They are present in the oldWigg 1997; Van Heesch 2004. Jonckers 2004; datafiles Coin Cabinet Brussels. On Republican silver coins in northern Gaul see also Meissonnier & Popovitch 1993. 34 RPC nos 486-487 (Pompey), 514-515 (Copia), 517 (Vienna); Crawford 1974 no 479/1. 35 Kemmers 2005, 18-29, 46. 32 33 Fig. 9. Republican silver (denarii and quinarii) and bronze coins found in Liberchies. Fig. 10. Augustan coins (silver denarii and bronze) found in Liberchies. est phase of the camp in Nijmegen (i.e. between 20 and 15 BC) but also at Haltern and Kalkriese, the famous battle field dated AD 9.36 There is then no way in using these finds to trace early monetization of the region when the precise archaeological context and the associated material are unknown. Finally, I will consider the Augustan coins found at the site (Figure 10). As can be expected for a site with Augustan origins most of the coin series common in other legionary bases near the Rhine are also found here: Nîmes bronzes, asses of Lyon (first and second series), coins of Rome, etc.37 As David Wigg and others have demonstrated in earlier publications, the arrival of these coins is linked with the massive military presence on the Rhine from 12 BC onwards.38 The only feature particular to the present site is the presence of two other series of small bronzes that occur frequently on sites of northern Gaul: semisses with the portrait of Augustus and a bull on the reverse and another comparable issue with an eagle on the Kemmers 2005; Berger 1996; Chantraine 1982. RPC nos 523 (Nîmes); RIC 230 (Lyon I) and 231-248 (Lyon II); RIC 370-389 and 426-442 (Rome). 38 Wigg 1997; Van Heesch 2000; Chantraine 1982. 36 37 36 Del imperium de Pompeyo a la auctoritas de Augusto Anejos de AEspA XLVII reverse.39 As Doyen showed the circulation area of both series is different and it is possible at least that the bull series was the successors of the Germanus Indutillil coins.40 Both issues should be dated in the last decade BC. Before making some concluding remarks it is perhaps interesting to mention a remarkable object found at Liberchies. It is an Augustan coin die used to strike aurei and denarii.41 As it looks very similar in shape and manufacture to official coin dies of the same emperor and for which the actual coins struck with the die are known,42 I think this one is equally an official Roman die and not the tool of a forger. But how can one explain the presence of this object in a minor village in the North of Gaul? The laurel branches of this reverse die are clearly visible and coins with this type, dated 19-18 BC, are normally attributed to a mint in ... Zaragoza43! This reveals just how much uncertainty surrounds not only the precise dating but also the attribution of a coinage to a particular mint. Could it be possible that minting was not centralised in fixed mints but that it was much more flexible than is traditionally thought? That of course is a question we cannot answer today. CONCLUSIONS It is time now to formulate some concluding remarks. It is obvious that there are many uncertainties surrounding the development of the area between the North Sea and the Mosel during the Augustan period. It is my firm belief that early Romanization and early monetization of this area cannot be studied by separating so-called Celtic, Gallo-Roman or Roman coinages. Wherever the Romans went, they only intervened when necessary and tried to retain whatever tradition they considered appropriate. Their prime concern was not coinage or coin supply for civilian use. That is why so many different local solutions can be found.44 It is not difficult to imagine how a society, that had to collect large amounts of tribute, needed local markets to sell surplus production, not only to feed the armies but also to obtain cash. Even when 39 RIC 227 & RPC 508 (Eagle); RIC 228 & RPC 509 (bull). 40 Doyen 2007. 41 Graff & Warnimont 1976-1978; Brulet 2002; 94 and 152 (for good colour photographs of the die). For the type see Giard 2001 nos 1280-1282 (RIC 26a). 42 Giard 2001, 18? 197 no 1344 and plate A and 54. 43 For an update on the very difficult question concerning the Spanish mints of Augustus see Volk 1997. 44 Van Heesch 2005; Delestrée 1999; also Delmaire 1996. taxes were probably collected on the level of the civitas, it is highly probable that they influenced the economic behaviour of even the lower strata of the population.45 That taxes were actually paid in coins to the Roman treasury, is shown by the continuous use of old silver denarii, such as those of the Republic, in the soldiers pay.46 These coins were very probably recycled as part of Rome’s tax-revenue’s. Our material suggests to me a monetization in two phases. The first probably linked to the earliest permanent presence of Roman authorities in the North that probably corresponds with the installation of Roman administration in Reims (capital) and the organisation of taxation in money. The second was linked to the more permanent presence of legions on the frontier from 12 BC onwards. While this second phase is fairly well dated thanks to our written sources, the first wave precedes it, but is hard to date accurately. We know that bronze coinage was already used in the Greek town of Marseille in about 220 BC,47 and that its use spread gradually through Gaul, reaching northern oppida such as the Titelberg about 45 BC.48 However, all of archaeological data concerning the region discussed here, suggests an even later date for the introduction of this «all purpose money» to the civitates of the Nervians and the Tungrians. As no pre-Augustan contexts are known, I think this development should be placed under the reign of Augustus, probably in the second decade BC. This corresponds also to the earliest (and probably isolated) presence of Roman troops in Nijmegen and in Neuss in 20-15 BC.49 We should, therefore, probably disconnect to some extent the Romanization of the northern parts of «civilian» Gaul from the military developments near the Rhine and in Germania, allowing more space for a different current of Romanization, moving gradually forward from inner Gaul. BIBLIOGRAPHY BERGER, F., 1996: Kalkriese 1. Die römischen Fundmünzen, Römisch-Germanische Forschungen 55, Mainz am Rhein. BERNHARDT, R. 1980: «Die Immunitas der Freistädte», Historia 39, 190-207. 45 On municipal taxes see e.g. France 1999 also Lo Cascio 1999; Mitchell 1999. 46 Kemmers 2005, 195-196. 47 Brenot & Scheers 1996. 48 Loscheider 1998; Wigg & Riederer 1998. 49 On Nijmegen’s earliest Roman occupation see Kemmers 2005. 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